Tbilisi Protesters Persist Amid Arrests and Fines
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Executive Summary:
- Amid ongoing protests in Tbilisi, the ruling Georgian Dream party has passed a legislative package under which protesters may face jail time for what the government describes as blocking roads or wearing face masks.
- In recent weeks, the Georgian Ministry of Internal Affairs has detained dozens of people—including journalists, civil rights advocates, activists, and protesters—for participating in the demonstrations.
- Demonstrators say they remain determined despite these repressive measures and will continue to protest against the government’s crackdown.
The ruling Georgian Dream party has intensified its targeting of protesters as demonstrations in Tbilisi persist after Georgia’s October 4 municipal elections (see EDM, October 6). Georgian Dream recently adopted a bill under which protesters can now face up to 15 days in jail for wearing a mask, carrying tear gas, or standing in the middle of the road during demonstrations (OC media, October 16; see EDM, October 22). In just the past few weeks, the police in Tbilisi arrested dozens of protesters, and between October 27 and 31 alone, 29 people were detained (Radio Tavisupleba, November 3). Non-governmental organizations (NGOs) have reported multiple violations of detainees’ rights throughout the process (Netgazeti, October 23). Despite the ongoing crackdown, daily protests continue on Rustaveli Avenue in the center of Tbilisi.
On October 20, Vakho Sanaia, a news anchor and journalist at TV Formula, was set to present the main developments of the day during an 8 p.m. broadcast. That night, however, his colleague had to lead the news program without him. The previous day, a Tbilisi court had sentenced Sania to six days in custody for allegedly blocking Rustaveli Avenue on October 18 (Radio Tavisupleba, October 20).
A few days before Sanaia’s detention, Georgian Dream adopted a bill further restricting freedom of expression. Under the new law, judges are no longer allowed to impose fines on protesters. Instead, demonstrators are to be sent directly to jail for up to 60 days if they are found carrying firearms, flammable materials, cold weapons, or pyrotechnics at a protest, or if they refuse police orders to disperse (OC media, October 16). Additionally, protesters may face up to 15 days in jail for wearing a mask, possessing tear gas, or what the government describes as blocking a road. First-time participants can face up to 15 days of administrative detention—a measure previously used as an alternative to fines. Continued participation in protests is treated as a criminal matter, punishable by up to one year in prison, while subsequent offenses can result in up to two years behind bars (OC media, October 16).
Sanaia recalls attending the October 18 protest in front of the parliament building, where demonstrations have been ongoing for more than 340 days. “When I arrived, it was already blocked, but I joined others and stood there with them. The Ministry of Internal Affairs said the police had ordered us to move off the road—but that never happened,” he recalls. “This was my right to express myself. It wasn’t an artificial blockade. For me, this is the most natural process. This is our freedom of expression.” The next day, Sanaia was detained in front of his seven-year-old daughter and taken first to a police station and then to court, where Judge Manuchar Tatsua sentenced him to six days in jail. “I couldn’t call my lawyer until I got to court. The entire process was a complete formality. I even told the judge to deliver the verdict quickly—the court doesn’t have that much independence; everything was decided in advance,” he noted (Author’s interview, October 31).
Since the law was adopted in mid-October, dozens of protesters have been detained for allegedly blocking roads and wearing face masks. NGOs report that after police or the security service detains a protester and before transferring them to either court or temporary detention facilities, the Ministry of Internal Affairs does not provide information about the detainees’ whereabouts to lawyers or family members. In most cases, lawyers cannot meet their clients before the court hearing. Court hearings are then expedited, and detainees receive case materials only during the session (Netgazeti, October 23).
Saba Khomeriki, a computer engineer and protest participant, was recently detained under the new law. Previously, he had received multiple penalties for participating in protests, totaling 85,000 GEL (approximately $31,430), and his bank accounts had been frozen. He argues that the penalties are disproportionate, unconstitutional, and illegitimate, and he refuses to pay (Author’s interview, November 1).
On October 19, Saba was detained again and sentenced to eight days in jail (TV Pirveli, October 19). He recalls that protesters blocked the road twice that day. The first time, at 8 p.m., police asked protesters to clear the road, and everyone complied. Later, at around 10 p.m., the crowd grew and the road was blocked again. Police were present but did not order people to disperse. Saba said:
This is not only a mechanism of intimidation, but also of blackmail. When I asked the Ministry of Internal Affairs representative in court, if, for example, at 8 p.m., there are 5,000 people, enough to block the road, and by 10 p.m. only 2,000 remain, do I get fined at 10 p.m.? The Ministry of Internal Affairs representative was unable to answer. Do I have to count every person every five minutes? (Author’s interview, November 1).
Saba also says his rights were violated on multiple occasions:
I may not know every detail of legal procedure, but I know one thing clearly—a detainee must be able to contact a lawyer before going to court. When I was taken to the police station and then directly to court, I had no chance to call a family member or a lawyer. Another detainee’s lawyer took up my case on the spot. There was no opportunity for me to personally choose a lawyer (Author’s interview, November 1).
The introduction of this restrictive legislation marks the latest escalation in a series of measures against protesters, despite statements by senior officials downplaying the significance of the daily anti-government demonstrations (see EDM, October 29). On October 6, Georgian Dream Prime Minister Irakli Kobakhidze stated that demonstrators who gather in front of the Parliament building in Tbilisi and block the road “will face consequences.” He described some protesters as “agents” and others as “sincere fools” (Radio Tavisupleba, October 6).
According to protesters, these threats have not had the intended effect. Sanaia says the government’s measures have failed in deterring the demonstrators. “Everyone who comes out of prison is more motivated—myself included,” he says. “The first question people ask in the cells is always: What’s happening outside? Is there a protest on Rustaveli? Has the road been blocked? It gives people additional motivation” (Author’s interview, October 31).
Saba shares the same determination. “I fundamentally believe that the law exists to arrest as many people as possible. Their motivation is twofold: to arrest people and to blackmail them. But despite that, my determination has only grown,” he says. (Author’s interview, November 1).
Since November 28, 2024, demonstrators have gathered daily in front of the Parliament building in Tbilisi, demanding new elections and the release of all protesters detained on criminal charges by Georgian Dream. Protesters have long been targeted by the government, which has, over time, banned laser pointers and pyrotechnics, prohibited face coverings, increased fines for road blockades, and introduced administrative and criminal detention measures. Despite these escalations, demonstrations will continue on the main avenue in Tbilisi.
