Ergenekon’s Alliance with the Eurasia Movement in Russia
Publication: Eurasia Daily Monitor Volume: 5 Issue: 229
In August another document showed that Guney was receiving a government pension at the age of 29, but his name was not shown in the records of the retirement funds. It was reported that those who retired from MIT received retirement benefits; but for reasons of confidentiality, MIT retirees’ records were not kept at the retirement fund (Hurriyet, August 7). In addition, Mehmet Eymur, former head of the counterterrorism unit of the MIT, implied on his website that Tuncay Guney “was an informant who successfully penetrated the Ergenekon network” (www.atin.org, November 11).
Given the fact that Ergenekon consists of active and retired military officials, bureaucrats, and politicians who think that Turkey is going in the wrong direction and needs to be put back on right track, the critical question is why the MIT saw a necessity to penetrate the network? Given the fact that Tuncay Guney’s work concentrated solely on the Workers Party (IP), the MIT must have considered the IP’s activities dangerous to Turkish national interests.
The leader of the IP, Dogu Perincek, now an Ergenekon suspect, is a former Maoist, who advocates “Eurasianism” as opposed to Turkish membership in the EU and NATO. Despite having only marginal public support, he has become an important figure dominating public debates in recent years.
In one of his interviews Tuncay Guney claims that Dogu Perincek was the author of Ergenekon’s program. Guney says that the purpose of the Ergenekon program was to promote Turkey membership in the Shanghai Five (Bugun, September 11). The Shanghai Five, which consists of China, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, and Tajikistan, emerged from demilitarization talks that the four former Soviet republics held with China in 1996 to counter U.S influence in Asia (Newsweek Korea, May 4, 2001).
Zekeriya Ozturk, another Ergenekon suspect who once worked for the IP’s TV network, also accused Perincek of being an agent working for the Russian and Chinese intelligence services; but Perincek denied the allegations (Radikal, March 30). Perincek’s close associate Adnan Akfirat, another Ergenekon suspect, is the chairman of the Turkish-Chinese business association (www.chinaembassy.org.tr, June 6, 2006). It should also be noted that Perincek was an early proponent of Turkish-China-Russia relations. His daughter is a journalist working for Chinese Public Radio’s Turkish Program (Yeni Safak, April 26); and his son, Mehmet Bora Perincek, is a researcher in Moscow and is establishing connections between the Turkish Worker’s Party and the Russian Eurasia party. In a meeting between the two parties it was declared:
The United States has always tried to beleaguer our particularly continental civilizations. Today this process is being continued under the patronage of American secret centers [promoting] the concept of pan-Turkism in Turkey and national chauvinism in Russia toward the Turkic nations. “The Eurasia” and “The Worker’s Party” representatives came to an understanding about the concerted consultations, conferences, and colloquiums in the sphere of Russian-Turkish geopolitical rapprochement. “The Worker’s Party” leadership has been interested in the unique means of solving interethnic conflicts developed by the experts for the Center of Geopolitical Examinations and “The Eurasia” party on the basis of the concept of “nations’ rights.” They proposed that “The Eurasia” take part in a conference of groups working on the solution of the Turkish-Greek conflict in Cyprus on the grounds of the geopolitical Eurasian methodology. “The Worker’s Party” responded willingly to the proposal of taking part in organizing the international Eurasian movement. These exciting ideas have been lined up by its intellectuals for a long time. We are also willing to begin a number of concerted projects in the sphere of TV broadcasting, publishing activities, [and] economic collaboration (https://www.evrazia.org, November 11, 2003).
As the meeting notes show, the Worker’s Party suddenly started advocating Turkish nationalist policies. Veli Kucuk, a retired general and a leading Ergenekon suspect, brought the younger Perincek, who participated in the 2003 meeting in Russia, together with Levent Temiz, another Ergenekon suspect, who was then the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP)’s youth leader. In 2003 the two formed a youth alliance between the Maoists and Turkish Nationalists, who were once fiercely opposed to each other (Zaman, January 15, 2004).
As was planned at the meeting in Moscow, the Workers’ Party issued an invitation to Alexander Dugin to attend the International Eurasia conference in Ankara. Dugin, the leader of the Eurasian movement, was introduced as an adviser to Russian President Vladimir Putin. Former Turkish President Suleyman Demirel; former Turkish Cypriot President Rauf Denktas; the Iranian and Chinese ambassadors; former chairman of the National Security Council General Tuncer Kilinc, Ret.; former commander of the Gendarmes Sener Eruygur, now an Ergenekon suspect; and the leaders of the Workers Party attended the conference to discuss Turkey’s role in Eurasia (Ulusal Kanal, December 6, 2004).
In a live TV broadcast, Guney further accused Dogu Perincek as playing a vital role in bringing Turkey closer to Russia and China. Guney stated, “Dogu Perincek should reveal why Putin’s people provided economic and ideological support to the Eurasia Conference” (Taraf, November 2).
Given Tuncay Guney’s affiliation with the MIT, it seems very likely that the intelligence service used Guney to penetrate the Ergenekon network in order to detect activities aimed at shifting Turkey’s direction from the West to Eurasia.