India Launches Russian Stealth Frigates as New Delhi and Moscow Strengthen Defense Partnership

Executive Summary:

• Since February 2022, India and Russia have significantly expanded their military and defense cooperation, with New Delhi launching the first of two Russian-supplied advanced stealth frigates for the Indian Navy at the end of July.
• As Moscow struggles with defense exports due to stringent Western sanctions, India has capitalized on Russia’s need for more defense partners in receiving fighter jets, air defense systems, and other military equipment.
• New Delhi has sought to maintain nonalignment and strategic autonomy on Russia’s war against Ukraine, remaining part of a strategic alliance with the West but seemingly unwilling to go against Russia’s interests lest Moscow turn off the tap of military aid.

On July 24, New Delhi launched the first of two Russian-supplied advanced stealth frigates for the Indian Navy. India contracted four frigates from Russia in October 2016, two of which were to be built in Russia and two in India. One of the vessels, named Triput after the mighty arrow representing the indomitable spirit of the Indian Navy, was built at the Goa Shipyard in India. It is 125 meters long with a width of 15 meters and has an estimated displacement of approximately 3,600 tons and maximum speed of 28 knots (The Hindu, July 25). The first ship built in Russia is scheduled to join the Indian Navy in September, and the second ship from Russia by February 2025. The delivery of the two stealth frigates being constructed at Yantar Shipyard in Russia has been delayed mainly due to Moscow’s war against Ukraine and Western sanctions. The recent transfer comes from a $500 million technology transfer deal signed in 2018 between Goa Shipyard and Rosoboronexport, the Russian state agency overseeing the export of military and dual-use technologies. Under the deal, Rosoboronexport will assist with the local manufacturing of two frigates in material and design (The Hindu, July 15). All this is emblematic of New Delhi and Moscow expanding their military and defense partnership in recent years, as the Kremlin has had to find willing partners for military exports due to Western sanctions and seeks to expand its influence in South Asia.

India and Russia have been strategic partners since the Cold War, during which they signed the 1971 Indo-Soviet Treaty of Peace, Friendship, and Cooperation (South China Morning Post, July 6). Since then, Russia has become India’s largest supplier of defense equipment. According to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, since 2017, Moscow has accounted for $8.5 billion of the $18.3 billion New Delhi has spent on arms imports (The Economic Times, August 14, 2023). India has purchased fighter jets, tanks, nuclear submarines, and an aircraft carrier from Russia over the decades. In 2023, Russia delivered three out of five S-400 Triumph air defense system units to India, purchased for $5.4 billion in 2018. The Indian Air Force (IAF) is also heavily dependent on Russia for spare parts of its Su-30MKI and MiG-29 fighter jets (Dawn, March 24, 2023).

Also in 2023, India and Russia agreed to strengthen their partnership further, as the war in Ukraine has affected the quantity and timing of military supplies to India from Russia. In April 2023, Indian Defense Minister Rajnath Singh held talks on bilateral defense deals with his Russian counterpart Sergei Shoigu on the sidelines of a Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) defense ministers’ gathering in New Delhi. Both sides acknowledged the “unique, long-lasting, and time-tested relationship” between India and Russia and reiterated their commitment to strengthening the military partnership (Dawn, April 28, 2023).

In July 2024, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi made his first visit to Moscow since the full-scale invasion of Ukraine. Modi called Russia one of New Delhi’s most trusted partners and an “all-weather friend” during his meeting with Russian President Vladimir Putin. For his part, the Kremlin leader praised India’s independent foreign policy. “Playing games with India related to influence on its politics from the outside has no future,” Putin remarked (Times of India, July 11). Modi’s “bear hug” of Putin demonstrated the strong level of commitment both leaders have to their bilateral ties.

Just a day before Modi visited Moscow, Russian state-owned company Rostec announced plans to manufacture “Mango” armor-piercing tank rounds in India. These tank shells are a critical component of Russia’s modern armored weaponry, which has been sorely depleted in Ukraine. The joint production of the Mango shells comes after the successful co-development of the BrahMos medium-range cruise missile (Financial Express, July 6). Both states have worked on several other joint defense projects, including the production of 35,000 Kalashnikov AK203 assault rifles for the Indian Army, T-90 tanks, and Sukhoi Su-30-MKI fourth-generation fighter jets (Al Jazeera, July 9).

Defense experts in India have been urging New Delhi to join the development of Russian stealth aircraft, touted as a competitor with the US F-35 fighter jet. Critics, however, warn of the precarious geopolitical situation due to the war in Ukraine, in which Russia is finding it increasingly difficult to export its military equipment and technology (Eurasian Times, February 4). Russia’s war has raised concerns in New Delhi about Moscow’s ability to continue sending aid to India due to stringent Western sanctions. The two countries have dealt with payment problems related to the sanctions (The Hindu, April 10, 2023). In addition, the IAF has complained that Moscow has been unable to deliver vital defense supplies because of the war. The IAF informed a parliamentary committee last year that Moscow’s war had affected supplies so much that the military had to slash projections for modernization by nearly a third (Dawn, March 24, 2023). 

Although India is a member of the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue with the United States, Japan, and Australia, New Delhi did not condemn Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, mainly because of its growing reliance on Moscow for military supplies. Rooted in its history of non-alignment, the Indian government has said it is still committed to the principle of strategic autonomy, allowing New Delhi to pursue a more independent foreign policy instead of purely aligning with Russia or the United States (South China Morning Post, July 6). India has also reaped the benefits of cheap Russian energy since the war began (see EDM, April 27, 2023).

Overall, New Delhi has successfully “run with the hare and hunted with the hounds” over Moscow’s invasion of Ukraine in seeking to maintain its nonalignment and strategic autonomy. India remains part of a strategic alliance with the West but does not seem willing to go against Russia’s strategic interests, especially those that could potentially turn off the flow of military aid. Moscow’s war against Ukraine has laid bare New Delhi’s balancing act in keeping an ambiguous stance on Ukraine while building stronger military and defense ties with the Kremlin. India’s main quarrel with Russia’s war is its effects on delaying the delivery of tanks, fighter jets, air defense systems, other equipment, and energy resources from Moscow.

For Russia, the war in Ukraine has been instrumental in bringing back India as one of the biggest customers for its military technology and equipment. Also under this umbrella, the Kremlin continues to push for the development of a north-south transit corridor to reach the Indian Ocean, though security concerns have held up several key projects (see EDM, February 26, 2019, June 7, August 8, 2023, July 10). Moscow and New Delhi’s growing defense partnership could also be seen through the lens of enabling the realization of this larger goal that would give Russia more of a foothold in South Asia for north-south trade.