Daughter of Uzbekistan’s President Aims for Regime Stability, not Succession

Publication: Eurasia Daily Monitor Volume: 22 Issue: 114

(Source: Facebook/Press Secretary of the President of Uzbekistan)

Executive Summary:

  • Saida Mirziyoyeva, daughter of Uzbek President Shavkat Mirziyoyev, was appointed head of Uzbekistan’s Presidential Administration in June, a move likely used to stabilize and guide the country’s political landscape after the previous head of the administration stirred discontent. 
  • Mirziyoyeva avoids divisive issues and emphasizes family values. Her highly publicized initiatives, particularly in gender equality and cultural identity, mark a transition from the controversial image of Uzbekistan’s former first daughter, Gulnara Karimova.
  • Mirziyoyeva’s role is more about regime stability than succession. Her carefully planned political career may serve as an example for countries such as Russia, whose first daughter, Maria Vorontsova, is becoming increasingly active in public life.

On August 21, Saida Mirziyoyeva, the eldest daughter of Uzbek President Shavkat Mirziyoyev, paid a visit to Kyrgyzstan and met with Kyrgyz President Sadyr Japarov (Daryo.uz, August 21). This is her first high-level visit in the capacity of the head of Uzbekistan’s presidential administration, a position she was appointed to on June 24. This position was reinstated following changes in the president’s office over the past two years, when, in 2023, Mirziyoyev replaced the powerful head of office role with a team of special assistants (Telegram/Press_Secretary_Uz, June 23; Gazeta.uz, June 24).

Before Mirziyoyeva, the office was led by Sardor Umurzakov from 2022 to 2023. Umurzakov, the son of Mirziyoyev’s former boss Uktam Umurzakov, had a brief yet notable career. He served as foreign trade minister and vice prime minister in 2019 and 2020, symbolizing a new breed of Uzbek officials who are publicly engaged, Western-educated, and experienced in global institutions, such as the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development. In this, Umurzakov shares characteristics with many young Uzbeks who left the country during Karimov’s era and established professional careers abroad. 

Umurzakov’s efforts to remove ineffective officials, threatening them with arrests and investigations, were well-received by those expecting radical changes in Uzbekistan, but were resisted by others who favored a more cautious and gradual approach (Eurasianet, September 3, 2023). His sudden removal from office in 2023 and downgrading to the post of a special assistant to the president were rumored to be due to elite dissatisfaction with his leadership style, which some even called “authoritarian,” and it was speculated that tensions with Mirziyoyeva also played a role (Radio Ozodlik, August 18, 2023). The president resolved the situation by eliminating the position and establishing a team of advisers to enhance governance expertise, where, among others, Mirziyoyeva became his first assistant, his former foreign minister serves as an adviser on foreign policy, and Umurzakov advises on strategic development (Gazeta.uz, August 20, 2023).

Two years later, the role of the head of the presidential administration was reestablished, with Mirziyoyeva appointed to the position. This appointment was likely a strategic move to appease the old elites and gently steer them in the desired direction. The office of the president was restructured again, optimizing the staff and reinforcing efficiency (Gazeta.uz, July 14).

Mirziyoyev, who lost his mother at a young age, is known for his family-oriented approach to his presidency (Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, July 13, 2023). Having served as prime minister under former President Islam Karimov for 13 years before assuming the role as president in 2016, he has continuously dealt with Uzbekistan’s stiff and conservative society, which grapples with chronic economic and social issues, such as a lack of job creation and ongoing outmigration (World Bank, June 2025).

Mirziyoyeva has become a key figure in Uzbek politics during her father’s presidency, maintaining significant influence despite controversies. She frequently faces comparisons to Gulnara Karimova, Karimov’s daughter, who remains imprisoned on corruption charges (see EDM, June 14, 2013). Mirziyoyeva’s close advisor, Komil Allamjonov, survived an assassination attempt in October 2024, allegedly involving Otabek Umarov, her brother-in-law. A month later, Umarov was removed from his long-held position as deputy head of the Presidential Security Service, which was perceived as a victory for Mirziyoyeva (Carnegie Politika, February 25).

To address these controversies and distance the presidential family from past scandals, Mirziyoyeva presents herself as a different role model. She is a policymaker, has her own team of experts, and avoids involvement in business activities and government appointments, unlike Karimova, who was particularly known for such involvement. Mirziyoyeva’s speeches never include sharp comments on divisive issues, maintaining a neutral stance. Known for an elegant yet understated style, Mirziyoyeva often shares pictures of her family and simple moments, such as eating bread or paying respect to her elders, mirroring her father’s family-oriented approach (Nastoyashchyeye vremya Asia, May 25).

Mirziyoyeva also actively advocates for gender equality. She spearheaded legislation protecting women and minors from violence in an increasingly patriarchal society (Gazeta.uz, April 11, 2023). She also supports efforts to strengthen Uzbek identity, often speaking Uzbek, participating in cultural events, and advocating for changes such as restoring the country’s name to O’zbekistan, in line with Uzbek grammar (Gazeta.uz, December 11, 2023).

Shifting her focus from media and women’s issues, Mirziyoyeva is now tackling more complex economic and foreign policy matters. In the meeting with Japarov, Mirziyoyeva had to discuss complex border, transportation, and energy issues between Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan, particularly a highly important China-Uzbekistan railway project that runs through Kyrgyzstan. In May, she visited Russia, meeting with officials such as Prime Minister Mikhail Mishustin, Head of Presidential Office Anton Vaino, and his deputy Sergei Kirienko, where they discussed continued cooperation between the two countries (Telegram/SShMirziyoyeva, May 29; Kun.uz, May 30). On Instagram, there are videos of her speaking about her “mission” as “Dad’s helper” (Instagram/@fan_mirziyoyeva, June 2). This might be an accurate description of Mirziyoyeva’s role so far—helping her father, who relies primarily on his family’s support after nearly a decade in power.

The discussion about Mirziyoyeva’s prospects as a successor to her father undeniably invites comparisons with neighboring countries. In Azerbaijan and Turkmenistan, dynasties have been successful from father to son in politics. In contrast, in Kazakhstan and Tajikistan, powerful eldest daughters—Dariga Nazarbayeva and Ozoda Rakhmon—have not been accepted by the elites, failing to break the stigma against female leaders. The history of succession in post-Soviet countries and the debate between family and outsider transitions offer valuable lessons. One country that may be closely observing Mirziyoyeva’s case is Russia. Russian President Vladimir Putin, whose eldest daughter, Maria Vorontsova, is becoming increasingly active in public life, may find Uzbekistan’s experience informative for its future political appointments (Carnegie Politika, February 3).