
Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan Expand Foreign Partnerships
Publication: Eurasia Daily Monitor Volume: 22 Issue: 134
By:

Executive Summary:
- Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan used the UN General Assembly to secure major agreements with U.S. companies and U.S. President Donald Trump’s administration, highlighting their efforts to attract investment and strengthen international partnerships, particularly in connectivity and energy.
- Uzbekistan announced over $100 billion in potential investments, including an $8 billion aircraft deal, while Kazakhstan signed a $4.2 billion locomotive production agreement and reaffirmed its commitment to work with American oil companies.
- Despite media focus on competition, both nations are balancing Western engagement with ongoing ties to Russia, navigating domestic dynamics and geopolitical realities as they seek greater international visibility and influence.
Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan demonstrated their focus on diplomatic maneuvering at the UN General Assembly, gathering considerable media attention in the process (Eurasianet, September 23). Both countries, traditionally seen as anchor states in Central Asia and increasingly close partners, used the high-level gathering to secure new agreements with the U.S. government and major U.S. companies (President of Uzbekistan, September 24; Kazpravda, September 26). Their efforts underscore a clear determination to attract targeted investment in Central Asian connectivity, enhance the Western focus of their international partnerships, and strengthen their global standings.
The key highlights of Uzbek President Shavkat Mirziyoyev’s visit to the United States include a brief bilateral meeting with U.S. President Donald Trump and the announcement of a package of potential investment agreements with U.S. companies totaling over $100 billion. A landmark deal was reached as Uzbekistan Airways will purchase 22 Boeing 787 Dreamliner aircraft valued at over $8 billion. Trump praised the agreement, saying it will create 35,000 U.S. jobs (Euronews, September 23). In addition to aviation, Mirziyoyev highlighted opportunities in infrastructure development, digital transformation, and financial market development, including potential Initial Public Offering (IPO) listings and the modernization of the Tashkent Stock Exchange (President of Uzbekistan, September 22). Uzbekistan also confirmed its ambition to join the World Trade Organization (WTO) by 2026, signaling a growing commitment to global economic integration.
Kazakh President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev’s visit to the United States included a strategic agreement with the U.S. locomotive producer Wabtec for the production and servicing of 300 locomotives valued at $4.2 billion (President of Kazakhstan, September 23). Tokayev also delivered a speech on UN reform, proposing that the role of middle powers be elevated so that they “can act as a bridge within the United Nations when major powers are divided” (President of Kazakhstan, September 23; The Diplomat, September 25). Additionally, Tokayev met with major U.S. firms, including Chevron, Citigroup, Blackstone, Meta, ExxonMobil, and Embraer, showcasing opportunities in oil and gas, digital innovation—such as Artificial Intelligence (AI) programs with Meta—and banking, as well as infrastructure. Chevron reaffirmed its $55 billion investment in Kazakhstan’s Tengiz oil project, one of the country’s most critical energy assets. The contract with Chevron is set to expire in 2033, and both parties are already engaged in extension talks (Energy Intelligence, May 8). The oil and coal industries will remain important for Kazakhstan, as evidenced by Tokayev’s criticism of global climate change initiatives upon returning from the United States (Forbes Kazakhstan, September 26).
Media coverage highlighted the similarities in the agendas of Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan, often framing them as competing for U.S. attention and investment (Radio Azattyq, September 26). Uzbekistan secured an $8 billion airplane deal, with Mirziyoyev holding high-level meetings and possibly tapping into informal networks, including the Uzbek diaspora and figures such as Uzbekistan-born U.S. Special Envoy for South and Central Asian Affairs, Sergio Gor (President of Uzbekistan, September 22). For Kazakhstan, the Wabtec locomotives have an additional strategic importance. Wabtec has operated a locomotive assembly plant in Astana since 2009. Under the new contract, diesel engines will be produced at the Astana Diesel Service plant—Wabtec’s first engine manufacturing site outside the United States (Astana Times, September 22). This underlines Kazakhstan’s expanding role as a production hub, as American as well as Chinese locomotives target the post-Soviet “1,520 gauge” market (Telegram/@Logistan, September 23).
The growing diplomatic visibility of both nations reflects a broader trend in Central Asia to seek a stronger voice on the global stage. According to Central Asian analyst Arkadi Dubnov, “The post-Soviet region is experiencing a notable period of heightened activity … moving toward America” (Telegram/@arkadyDubnov, September 23). Dubnov notes that the Armenia–Azerbaijan peace deal—which envisages American businesses guaranteeing the construction of critical infrastructure communications in the South Caucasus—was a significant step away from Moscow (see EDM, August 12, September 9). At the UN General Assembly, Tokayev also met with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, who suggested Kazakhstan could be a venue for potential peace talks with Russia. Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev also met with Zelenskyy in Copenhagen, speaking with him in English, as did Tokayev (Lenta.ru. October 2).
This Western shift cannot be completed immediately (see EDM, July 9). Kazakhstan, for example, appears committed to maintaining a balance between Russia and the West. Astana recently replaced Foreign Minister Murat Nurtleu with Ermek Kosherbayev. Kosherbayev’s appointment suggests both intra-elite maneuvering and a desire for recalibration in Kazakhstan’s foreign positioning (Orda.kz, September 25). Kosherbayev’s previous posting in Moscow also implies a renewed effort to stabilize and balance relations with Russia, even as Tokayev distances Kazakhstan from Moscow’s worldview. Tokayev is scheduled to visit Moscow in November, and Russian President Vladimir Putin will visit Kazakhstan’s Uralsk shortly after (Kommersant, September 10).
Leaders in Central Asia and the Caucasus differ in their U.S. engagement strategies. Aliyev and Mirziyoyev have established informal personal connections with the Trump administration, making their diplomacy multidimensional. In contrast, Tokayev has primarily engaged with the United States through formal diplomatic channels, which might seem insufficient for current realities. The UN General Assembly has also confirmed that Central Asia is becoming a more visible and assertive player in global diplomacy. Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan are pursuing ambitious economic partnerships with the United States, deepening ties in energy, transport, and technology. Domestic elite dynamics, geopolitical balancing between Washington, Beijing, and Moscow, and competition for international recognition will continue to shape how both countries position themselves in the years ahead.