Russia Marks 80 Years Since the End of the Great Patriotic War

Executive Summary:

• Russia will celebrate Victory Day on May 9, marking 80 years since the end of World War II, a moral and existential victory that the Kremlin wields to legitimize its present-day war against Ukraine.
• Russian President Vladimir Putin’s “Great Patriotic War” narrative excludes Ukraine, which made huge sacrifices to the Soviet victory in terms of soldiers, the civilian population, and materials, while framing the war against Ukraine as one against neo-Nazis.
• Slovakian Prime Minister Robert Fico, Serbian President Vucic, and People’s Republic of China President Xi Jinping are among those who intend to attend Moscow Victory Day celebrations despite Russia’s war against Ukraine, signaling Russia’s partial diplomatic rehabilitation.

This year marks 80 years since the end of World War II, known in Russia as the Great Patriotic War or the Great Fatherland War (Великая Отечественная Война, Velikaya Otechestvennaya Voina). The Kremlin plans to extensively celebrate the Nazi defeat (Vesti.ru, April 4). While Russia technically declared war on Japan a few days before the informal Japanese surrender on August 14, 1945, Moscow commemorates the May 9, 1945 Nazi surrender as the official end of the war since the bulk of the approximately 27 million Soviet citizens who died in World War II perished on the European front. Additionally, despite the Nazi surrender being officialized near midnight in Berlin on May 8, Russia celebrates the end of the war according to Moscow time (GMT+3), which is an hour ahead of Berlin (GMT+2). This places Russian “Victory Day” on May 9 (RBC-Ukraine, May 9, 2024).

Russian President Vladimir Putin, of course, ignores the Soviet role in starting the war through signing the Molotov-Ribbentrop pact, which divided up Eastern Europe between the Nazis and the Soviets (Novaya Gazeta Evropa, August 23, 2024). While the United States and United Kingdom also played major roles in the European theater, the Soviet contribution was decisive in allied victory against the Nazis, making Victory Day an important component of Soviet and Russian ideology. In Putin’s Russia, the legacy of the Great Patriotic War continues to play an essential role in legitimating the regime (McGlynn, Memory Makers: The Politics of the Past in Putin’s Russia, June 2023). The government stages official celebrations such as parades through Red Square in Moscow alongside purportedly grassroots initiatives such as the Immortal Regiment (Бессмертный полк, Bessmertniy polk) and St. George’s Ribbon (Георгиевская ленточка, Georgiyevskaya lentochka) to promote present-day nationalism and militarism (Regions.ru, May 7; Immortal Regiment Official Website; May9.ru, accessed May 7). The regime portrays its current war against Ukraine as a continuation of the “Great Patriotic War,” in part by portraying the Zelenskyy government as a neo-Nazi regime, despite Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy being Jewish (see EDM, May 6).

Domestically, the Kremlin uses May 9 celebrations to consolidate power and further militarize society. The most recent Victory Day anniversary commemoration was in 2015, which marked 70 years since the end of World War II and reflected the usual militarism and power projections (The President of Russia, May 9, 2015). For the 80th anniversary , the parade on Red Square will showcase veterans and their descendants as is tradition, and concerts will be held all over Moscow (RBC, April 14). While the chief focus of the parade is victory over the Nazis, veterans of Russia’s war against Ukraine will also be incorporated, forging forced continuity between the two wars (1tv.ru, May 7). Soldiers who fought in Russia’s ongoing war against Ukraine under the banner of the Cossacks will take part in the parade as the Kremlin encourages the revitalization of a militarized Cossack identity. Notably, Soviet leader Joseph Stalin rehabilitated Cossack military identity along with other Russian nationalist myths in the face of the invading Germans (see EDM, February 4). Russian Victory Day celebrations will play an important propaganda role in Russifying Soviet victory at a time when few veterans from that war are still alive and Russian organizations are cataloguing their memories (RBC, May 5). The Russian victory narrative excludes Ukraine, along with the other former Soviet republics and nationality groups, which made huge sacrifices to the Soviet victory in terms of soldiers, the civilian populations, and materials (see EDM, May 6). In 2023, Ukraine moved its World War II commemoration to May 8 to align with Europe and fully cut ties with Soviet Victory Day (Kyiv Independent, May 8, 2024; Oboz.ua, May 5; see EDM, May 6).

Russian propaganda ties the moral and existential fight against the Nazis to the Kremlin’s war against Ukraine to rationalize the country’s ongoing militarization. Throughout Russia, youth movements and school curricula emphasize the importance of being ready to fight for one’s country and the idea that death in battle is glorious (see EDM, February 13, March 24, 2024, February 25). Military celebrations give tangible support to such notions. In preparation for this year’s Victory Day, for instance, Russian propagandists built a full-scale copy of the Reichstag over which Soviet flags flew in 1945. Igor Ugolnikov, a film director subject to Ukrainian sanctions for his support of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, initiated the project. The Reichstag replica will stand for nine days in May, after which the model will be used to produce a propaganda film about the Russian victory (Antikor, May 3). Cities throughout Russia are holding events, including monument cleaning in St. Petersburg, parades and film screenings in Novosibirsk, and the restoration of a monument in Sochi. The Kremlin will hold rallies and monument restoration in parts of Ukraine occupied by the Russian army, such as Donetsk and Zaporizhzhia (Izvestiya, May 7).

Victory Day celebration attendance will serve as a barometer for Russia’s standing in the world. The Kremlin issued invitations to the heads of defense departments and diplomatic missions of all foreign states they recognize, but only 29 will attend. Aside from the usual suspects, including Belarus, Tajikistan, and the People’s Republic of China (PRC), Slovakian Prime Minister Robert Fico and Serbian President Vučić are expected (News.ru, May 6). Ahead of his arrival for Victory Day in Moscow, PRC President Xi Jinping published an article claiming that Russia and the PRC must “uphold a correct historical perspective on World War II” as “guardians of historical memory” (Rossiyskaya Gazeta, The State Council of the People’s Republic of China, May 7).  Notably, Fico is the only leader of an EU member state that is anticipated to attend. The presence of politicians from a European Union member and aspirant member, despite Russia’s war against Ukraine and even amid discussions about the creation of an EU army, signals Russia’s partial diplomatic rehabilitation since it’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine. It is a gift to Kremlin propagandists. Fico, who visited Moscow in December 2024, has been threatened by the European Commission for breaking ranks on the policy of isolating Moscow. He has defended his engagement with Russia by saying he hopes to avoid a new Cold War and bring peace through diplomacy (Pravda.ru, May 6). Russia’s use of Victory Day for diplomatic and military purposes underscores that historical memory of the “Great Patriotic War” remains strategically valuable to Moscow, even after 80 years.